Cocagne’s Soupe a L’oignon

Cocagne’s Soupe a L’oignon Cocagne’s Soupe a L’oignon Cocagnes Soupe a Loignon is usually served with cheese sandwiches preferably grilled and a roasted cippolini at the center of the soup with a poached egg placed at the center. In Canada the soup is in served in the province of Newfoundland Labrador. Vegetable antipasto is in most cases composed of eggplant, olive tomatoes, marinated artichokes and buffalo mozzarella. This appetizer is from the province of Ontario in Canada. Soupe a Loignon Gratinee this is the slow cooked French soup composed of butter and oil preceded by slow simmering to create a rich taste. This appetizer is in the province of Quebec in Canada. Wild mushroom soup is mostly prominent in the province of Toronto in Canada. It is mainly composed of truffle and chives in the absence of butter or cream. Pizza fondue is the delicious variation from the theme of fondue and is in most cases served with cubes of bread, cooked tortellini and assorted vegetables. Pizza fondue is in some cases served with cured Italian meats. This dish is mostly popular in the Newfoundland Labrador in Canada. Josees Spaghetti with tuna and sun dried tomatoes is the dish which is a favorite of many and is made from sun dried tomato paste among other ingredients. It is common in Newfoundland Labrador although it is also present in Quebec province of Canada. Mariposa farm duck is prepared from a number of ingredients which are dates, the leg of a duck, wild rice pilaf squashed among others. It is mostly prominent in the province of Ontario in Canada. Eggs en cocotte attribute its name to the dish which is made up of eggs cooked normally referred to as ramekins and usually take the appearance of souffl dishes spacious enough for the baking of an egg. This dish is common in the province of Quebec in Canada. Canoe lobster clubhouse most recipes of this dish state that it is prepared from bacon preferably Canadian, smoked cheddar, mayonnaise and Bibb lettuce. This meal is more prominent in the province of Toronto in Canada. Roasted Alberta lamb prepared from a lamb it also has garlic which is roasted and risotto caraway yoghurt as the other ingredients. It is also common in the province of Toronto in Canada. Grilled Provini calfs liver the ingredients for this dish is bacon preferably smoked, Alliston spuds, and apple gastrique. This dish is mostly found in Toronto in Canada. Charlotte malakoff aux fraises this cake which can also be prepared from raspberries is completely engulfed in lady fingers and can be served with strawberry sauce. It is popular in the province of Newfoundland in Canada. Petit pots de crme chocolat this pudding which has a silky texture is served cold with sugar cookies so as to alter the fancy pudding into something like a dinner party fare. This dish is popular in the province of Newfoundland Labrador in Canada. Strawberry coulis some recipes prefer the addition of strawberry so as to establish an increased flavor boost. This dessert is most common in the province of Newfoundland in Canada. MAPLE syrup iced cream this syrup is considered to represent something between ice cream and sorbet. It is considered the desert with the least fat content and one of the easiest to prepare. This desert is more common in the province of Newfoundland in Canada. Recipe COCAGNES SOUPE A LOIGNON The ingredients required are: 8 onions, 8 big cippolini onions, 8 French shallots, 2 tablespoon of olive oil, 6 tablespoon of organic soy sauce,8 tablespoon of red wine, 2 branches of thyme, 2 liters of duck stock 2 bay leaves, white pepper, 1 lb of pikauba cheese and 8 poached eggs. The pikauba cheese can be substituted with aged cheddar. The poached eggs should be kept in cold water until the time to serve the hot soup has been reached. All the onions are peeled, the red onions are chopped and the shallots are finely sliced while the cippolinis are used as a whole. The oil is heated in a large pot over average heat and the sliced onions are added, these onions are cooked until they start to become brown. This usually takes approximately 30 minutes and stirring is usually done simultaneously. The oven is preheated at a temperature of about 190 degrees Celsius and the cippolinis are placed in small fry pan, oiled, with a few drops of water and they are roasted until they can be considered tender, approximately 30 minutes. The pan containing the caramelized onions is deglazed on the stove and the red wine and the soy sauce added on top. These contents are then stirred in the garlic flower, the thyme the bay leaves and lastly the stock. Salt and pepper can then be used for seasoning and further cooking is resumed for an estimated 15 minutes. 8 grilled sandwiches containing cheese are prepared for serving and the soup is placed in 8 bowls and the roasted cippolini is placed in the midst with the poached egg topping. The soup can be served immediately. PIZZA FONDUE The ingredients for preparing this dish are: 12 ounces of grated emmental cheese, 12 ounces of grated gruyere cheese, 3 tablespoons of cornstarch, 2 cloves of garlic,2 cups of Italian diced tomatoes, a cup of parmesan cheese, grated, 3 loaves of Italian bread, mushrooms, broccoli or any other assorted vegetables, pepper, oregano and salt. The gruyere, emmental and the cornstarch are tossed in a big bowl. The diced tomatoes and the minced garlic are heated in the fondue pot over average heat. At the time the tomatoe mixture starts to boil, the cheese mixture is added while stirring is continued preferably with a woden spoon in a movement which mimics the figure eight. When the combination of the mixture is complete and the cheese begins to bubble, pepper, salt and oregano are used for seasoning and these contents are stirred in the parmesan and later transferred to a table top. The pizza fondue is served with assorted vegetables, bread cubes and Italian meats. STRAWBERRY COULIS The ingredients for preparing 300ml of strawberry coulis are: 2 tablespoons of fruit sugar, 2 cups of strawberries, a tablespoon of lemon juice preferably fresh, and a tablespoon of kirsch. The fresh strawberries are cut into tiny pieces and then placed in a bowl. Sugar and lemon juice, is sprinkled over these pieces and they are refrigerated overnight. The fruit is pureed in the bowl using a blender until it is smooth. The coulis is strained and whisked in the kirsch.

How to Use Charts, Graphs, and Maps for Information

How to Use Charts, Graphs, and Maps for Information Many people find frequency tables, crosstabs, and other forms of numerical statistical results intimidating. The same information can usually be presented in graphical form, which makes it easier to understand and less intimidating. Graphs tell a story with visuals rather than in words or numbers and can help readers understand the substance of the findings rather than the technical details behind the numbers. There are numerous graphing options when it comes to presenting data. Here we will take a look at the most popularly used: pie charts, bar graphs, statistical maps, histograms, and frequency polygons. Pie Charts A pie chart is a graph that shows the differences in frequencies or percentages among categories of a nominal or ordinal variable. The categories are displayed as segments of a circle whose pieces add up to 100 percent of the total frequencies. Pie charts are a great way to graphically show a frequency distribution. In a pie chart, the frequency or percentage is represented both visually and numerically, so it is typically quick for readers to understand the data and what the researcher is conveying. Bar Graphs Like a pie chart, a bar graph is also a way to visually show the differences in frequencies or percentages among categories of a nominal or ordinal variable. In a bar graph, however, the categories are displayed as rectangles of equal width with their height proportional to the frequency of percentage of the category. Unlike pie charts, bar graphs are very useful for comparing categories of a variable among different groups. For example, we can compare marital status among U.S. adults by gender. This graph would, thus, have two bars for each category of marital status: one for males and one for females. The pie chart does not allow you to include more than one group. You would have to create two separate pie charts, one for females and one for males. Statistical Maps Statistical maps are a way to display the geographic distribution of data. For example, let’s say we are studying the geographic distribution of the elderly persons in the United States. A statistical map would be a great way to visually display our data. On our map, each category is represented by a different color or shade and the states are then shaded depending on their classification into the different categories. In our example of the elderly in the United States, let’s say we had four categories, each with its own color: Less than 10 percent (red), 10 to 11.9 percent (yellow), 12 to 13.9 percent (blue), and 14 percent or more (green). If 12.2 percent of Arizona’s population is over 65 years old, Arizona would be shaded blue on our map. Likewise, if Florida’s has 15 percent of its population aged 65 and older, it would be shaded green on the map. Maps can display geographical data on the level of cities, counties, city blocks, census tracts, countries, states, or other units. This choice depends on the researcher’s topic and the questions they are exploring. Histograms A histogram is used to show the differences in frequencies or percentages among categories of an interval-ratio variable. The categories are displayed as bars, with the width of the bar proportional to the width of the category and the height proportional to the frequency or percentage of that category. The area that each bar occupies on a histogram tells us the proportion of the population that falls into a given interval. A histogram looks very similar to a bar chart, however, in a histogram, the bars are touching and may not be of equal width. In a bar chart, the space between the bars indicates that the categories are separate. Whether a researcher creates a bar chart or a histogram depends on the type of data he or she is using. Typically, bar charts are created with qualitative data (nominal or ordinal variables) while histograms are created with quantitative data (interval-ratio variables). Frequency Polygons A frequency polygon is a graph showing the differences in frequencies or percentages among categories of an interval-ratio variable. Points representing the frequencies of each category are placed above the midpoint of the category and are joined by a straight line. A frequency polygon is similar to a histogram, however, instead of bars, a point is used to show the frequency and all the points are then connected with a line. Distortions in Graphs When a graph is distorted, it can quickly deceive the reader into thinking something other than what the data really says. There are several ways that graphs can be distorted. Probably the most common way that graphs get distorted is when the distance along the vertical or horizontal axis is altered in relation to the other axis. Axes can be stretched or shrunk to create any desired result. For example, if you were to shrink the horizontal axis (X axis), it could make the slope of your line graph appear steeper than it actually is, giving the impression that the results are more dramatic than they are. Likewise, if you expanded the horizontal axis while keeping the vertical axis (Y axis) the same, the slope of the line graph would be more gradual, making the results appear less significant than they really are. When creating and editing graphs, it is important to make sure the graphs do not get distorted. Oftentimes, it can happen by accident when editing the range of numbers in an axis, for example. Therefore it is important to pay attention to how the data comes across in the graphs and make sure the results are being presented accurately and appropriately, so as to not deceive the readers. Resources and Further Reading Frankfort-Nachmias, Chava, and Anna Leon-Guerrero. Social Statistics for a Diverse Society. SAGE, 2018.

EvolutionEcology Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

EvolutionEcology - Essay Example Paper starts with the hypothesis demonstrating mitochondrial DNA as primary tool for investigation of evolutionary diversion among closely related species and development of new approach in terms of PCR-RFLP based rapid and inexpensive techniques to established phylogenitic correlation among different species. They also investigated correlation between two different approaches and indicated that data obtained by two different techniques may not be identical and hence caution must be taken to interpret them. For validation of hypothesis the authors selected four avian sp. found in North America, those having high rate of hybridization namely, Dendroica occidentalis, D. townsendi, D. virens, and D.nigrescens. To investigate above mention hypothesis the first experiment was based on classical RFLP based technique. The total mitochondrial DNA were Isolated and digested with 14 restriction enzymes to obtained band pattern which was subsequently analyzed by David L. Swofford's paup* 4.0d64 program for calculation of Nei-Li distances. Similarly, for sequences based analysis, three genes located on two sites on mtDNA were selected and sequenced, namely 681bp cytochrome oxidase I, and 1074bp ATP synthase8 and 6 genes from 30 representative warbler individuals.

Origanum Majorana Essential oil Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

Origanum Majorana Essential oil - Research Paper Example Therefore some essential oils are used in order to fasten the overall recovery process of patients. Origanum Majorana Essential Oil is one of the them which is extracted from herbs; possessing relatively higher sedative, analgesic, anti-spasmodic, anti-fungal, anti-viral, expectorant, stimulant, disinfectant and calming effects (Marjoran, 2011). In this paper only one essential oil is discussed i.e. Origanum Majorana Oil with respect to the treatment of surgical ICU patients. Origanum Majorana is a Latin name for Marjoram which means ‘greater’ not because of some physical or chemical compositions but due to the ancient perception that the use of Origanum Majorana oil can increase lifespan of humans (Marjoram, 2012). This herb belongs to the family Lamiaceae. It has penetrating smell, slightly spicy taste and overall warm nature. Its chemical components include Thymol, Caryacrol, Pinenel, Camphor, Origanol, etc. The Origanum Majorana oil is extracted from its flowers. It is yellow in color and turns brown as it decomposes. It has some distinctive properties which makes it highly applicable for the treatment of surgical patients. These include (Marjoram, 2012): The oil has soothing and calming effect when consumed internally or when applied externally over the body. Its distinctive chemical composition helps in reducing stress. It provides relief to the muscle pain and throbbing. The oil has an ability to deal with the miseries of congestion and common cold. The warm and woody smell of the oil provides relaxation to human senses. Massage of Origanum Majorana releases pain during menstruation. It is also recommended for the treatment of insomnia as it regulates the functioning of nervous system. The oil is extensively used in body massage after sports. It provides warm effect to the body when used in hot bath. Description The Romans have categorized Origanum Majorana as the ‘herb of happiness’ and for the Greeks it was a key source of â⠂¬Ëœjoy to the mountains’ due to its sedative properties and an ability to reduce tension. Surgical patients experience tension before and after the surgery which is a natural phenomenon. However, the tension and emotional imbalance might lead to high blood pressure which can cause problems particularly during and after the surgery. Therefore it is the prime concern of medical professionals to reduce tension and mental stress of these patients. For this purpose several medicines and therapies are used. The application of Origanum Majorana essential oil

Literature Review On Social Networking Media Essay

Literature Review On Social Networking Media Essay The way people live these days is definitely different than the previous, people now tend to share their daily life events, news and even feelings and emotions with others. Social networks site (SNSs) has provided the facility of enabling them to do so. The Social Data Revolution (SDR) is the shift in human communication patterns towards increased personal information sharing and its related implications, made possible by the rise of social networks in early 2000s. While social networks were used in the early days to privately share photos and private messages, the subsequent trend towards people passively and actively sharing personal information more broadly has resulted in unprecedented amounts of public data. Janet Fouts in her book defines the social media as people engaged in conversation around a topic online. (Fouts, 2009). Her definition is a generalization to the whole topic, so there is another definition by (Boyed and Ellison, 2007) that is Social network sites are defined as wed-based services that allow individuals to three main points the first is to construct a public or semi-public profile within a system, the second is to formulate a list of other users with whom they share a connection, and the third is to view and cutoff their list of connections and those made by others within the system. This definition describes in specific the way people connect through the social network sites, and the nature and classification of these connections may vary from site to site. While we use the term social network site to describe this phenomenon, the term social networking sites also appears in public discourse, and the two terms are often used interchangeably. We chose not to employ the term networking for two reasons: emphasis and scope. Networking emphasizes relationship initiation, often between strangers. While networking is possible on these sites, it is not the primary practice on many of them, nor is it what differentiates them from other forms of computer-mediated communication (CMC). The term social network site is interchangeably used with the term social networking site, but they are not the same. The term networking somehow refers to the Or just remove the whole paragraph!! What makes social network sites unique is not that they allow individuals to meet strangers, but rather that they enable users to articulate and make visible their social networks. This can result in connections between individuals that would not otherwise be made, but that is often not the goal, and these meetings are frequently between latent ties (Haythornthwaite, 2005) who share some offline connection. On many of the large SNSs, participants are not necessarily networking or looking to meet new people; instead, they are primarily communicating with people who are already a part of their extended social network. To emphasize this articulated social network as a critical organizing feature of these sites, we label them social network sites. While SNSs have implemented a wide variety of technical features, their backbone consists of visible profiles that display a clear list of Friends who are also users of the system. Profiles are unique pages where one can type oneself into being (Sundà ©n, 2003, p. 3). After joining an SNS, an individual is asked to fill out forms containing a series of questions. The profile is generated using the answers to these questions, which typically include descriptors such as age, location, interests, and an about me section. Most sites also encourage users to upload a profile photo. Some sites allow users to enhance their profiles by adding multimedia content or modifying their profiles look and feel. Others, such as Facebook and twitter, allow users to add modules (Applications) that enhance their profile. The visibility of a profile varies by site and according to user discretion. By default, profiles on Friendster and Tribe.net are crawled by search engines, making them visible to anyone, regardless of whether or not the viewer has an account. Alternatively, LinkedIn controls what a viewer may see based on whether she or he has a paid account. Sites like MySpace allow users to choose whether they want their profile to be public or Friends only. Facebook takes a different approach-by default, users who are part of the same network can view each others profiles, unless a profile owner has decided to deny permission to those in their network. Structural variations around visibility and access are one of the primary ways that SNSs differentiate themselves from each other. After joining a social network site, users are prompted to identify others in the system with whom they have a relationship. The label for these relationships differs depending on the site-popular terms include Friends, Contacts, and Fans. Most SNSs require bi-directional confirmation for Friendship, but some do not. These one-directional ties are sometimes labeled as Fans or Followers, but many sites call these Friends as well. The term Friends can be misleading, because the connection does not necessarily mean friendship in the everyday vernacular sense, and the reasons people connect are varied (boyd, 2006a). The public display of connections is a crucial component of SNSs. The Friends list contains links to each Friends profile, enabling viewers to navigate the network graph by clicking through the Friends lists. On most sites, the list of Friends is visible to anyone who is permitted to view the profile, although there are exceptions. For instance, some MySpace users have hacked their profiles to hide the Friends display, and LinkedIn allows users to opt out of displaying their network. Most SNSs also provide a mechanism for users to leave messages on their Friends profiles. This feature typically involves leaving comments, although sites employ various labels for this feature. In addition, SNSs often have a private messaging feature similar to webmail. While both private messages and comments are popular on most of the major SNSs, they are not universally available. Not all social network sites began as such. QQ started as a Chinese instant messaging service, LunarStorm as a community site, Cyworld as a Korean discussion forum tool, and Skyrock (formerly Skyblog) was a French blogging service before adding SNS features. Classmates.com, a directory of school affiliates launched in 1995, began supporting articulated lists of Friends after SNSs became popular. AsianAvenue, MiGente, and BlackPlanet were early popular ethnic community sites with limited Friends functionality before re-launching in 2005-2006 with SNS features and structure. Beyond profiles, Friends, comments, and private messaging, SNSs vary greatly in their features and user base. Some have photo-sharing or video-sharing capabilities; others have built-in blogging and instant messaging technology. There are mobile-specific SNSs (e.g., Dodgeball), but some web-based SNSs also support limited mobile interactions (e.g., Facebook, MySpace, and Cyworld). Many SNSs target people from specific geographical regions or linguistic groups, although this does not always determine the sites community. Orkut, for example, was launched in the United States with an English-only interface, but Portuguese-speaking Brazilians quickly became the dominant user group (Kopytoff, 2004). Some sites are designed with specific ethnic, religious, sexual orientation, political, or other identity-driven categories in mind. There are even SNSs for dogs (Dogster) and cats (Catster), although their owners must manage their profiles. While SNSs are often designed to be widely accessible, many attract homogeneous populations initially, so it is not uncommon to find groups using sites to separate themselves out by nationality, age, educational level, or other factors that typically segment society (Hargittai, 2008), even if that was not the intention of the designers. A History of Social Network Sites The Early Years The first recognizable social network site launched in 1997. SixDegrees.com allowed users to create profiles, list their Friends and, beginning in 1998, surf the Friends lists. Each of these features existed in some form before SixDegrees of course. Profiles existed on most major dating sites and many community sites. AIM and ICQ buddy lists supported lists of Friends, although those Friends were not visible to others. Classmates.com allowed people to connect with their high school or college and surf the network for others who were also joined, but users could not create profiles or list Friends until years later. The first to combine these features was SixDegrees. SixDegrees promoted itself as a tool to help people connect with and send messages to others. While SixDegrees attracted millions of users, it failed to continue, the service closed in 2000. Looking back, its founder believes that SixDegrees was simply ahead of its time (A. Weinreich, personal communication, July 11, 2007). While people were already flocking to the Internet, most did not have extended networks of friends who were online. Early adopters complained that there was little to do after accepting Friend requests, and most users were not interested in meeting strangers. From 1997 to 2001, a number of community tools began supporting various combinations of profiles and publicly articulated Friends. AsianAvenue, BlackPlanet, and MiGente allowed users to create personal, professional, and dating profiles, users could identify Friends on their personal profiles without seeking approval for those connections (O. Wasow, personal communication, August 16, 2007). Likewise, shortly after its launch in 1999, LiveJournal listed one-directional connections on user pages. People mark others as Friends to follow their journals and manage privacy settings. The Korean virtual worlds site Cyworld was started in 1999 and added SNS features in 2001, independent of these other sites (see Kim Yun, this issue)*come back to this ref. Likewise, when the Swedish web community LunarStorm refashioned itself as an SNS in 2000, it contained Friends lists, guestbooks, and diary pages (D. Skog, personal communication, September 24, 2007). Ryze.com was the beginning of the next wave of SNSs, it was launched in 2001 to help people control their business networks. Ryzes founder reports that he first introduced the site to his friends, primarily members of the San Francisco business and technology community, including the entrepreneurs and investors behind many future SNSs (A. Scott, personal communication, June 14, 2007)*revise this ref. In particular, the people behind Ryze, Tribe.net, LinkedIn, and Friendster were tightly interrelated personally and professionally. They believed that they could support each other without competing (Festa, 2003). In the end, Ryze never acquired mass popularity, Tribe.net grew to attract a passionate niche user base, LinkedIn became a powerful business service, and Friendster became the most significant, if only as one of the biggest disappointments in Internet history (Chafkin, 2007, p. 1). Figure 1. Distribution of work task interruption Figure 1. Timeline of the launch dates of many major SNSs and dates when community sites re-launched with SNS features That was a brief history of the general SNSs. The following section discusses Friendster, MySpace, and Facebook those are the three key SNSs that has shaped the business, cultural, and research background. The Rise (and Fall) of Friendster Friendster launched in 2002 as a social complement to Ryze. It was designed to compete with Match.com, a profitable online dating site (Cohen, 2003). While most dating sites focused on introducing people to strangers with similar interests, Friendster was designed to help friends-of-friends meet, based on the assumption that friends-of-friends would make better romantic partners than would strangers. Friendster gained trust among three groups of early adopters who shaped the site-bloggers, attendees of the Burning Man arts festival (Who are these?), and gay men (boyd, 2004)-and grew to 300,000 users through word of mouth before traditional press coverage began in May 2003 (OShea, 2003). *find this ref and try to make changes to the prev. paragraph As Friendsters popularity raised, the site encountered technical and social difficulties (boyd, 2006b). Friendsters databases and servers were not well equipped to handle its fast growth, and the site faded out regularly, that caused frustrating users who replaced email with Friendster. ** rephrase this paragraph à ¢Ã¢â‚¬  Ã¢â‚¬Å" Because organic growth had been critical to creating a coherent community, the onslaught of new users who learned about the site from media coverage upset the cultural balance. Furthermore, exponential growth meant a collapse in social contexts: Users had to face their bosses and former classmates alongside their close friends. To complicate matters, Friendster began restricting the activities of its most passionate users. The initial design of Friendster restricted users from viewing profiles of people who were more than four degrees away (friends-of-friends-of-friends-of-friends). In order to view additional profiles, users began adding acquaintances and interesting-looking strangers to expand their reach. Some began massively collecting Friends, an activity that was implicitly encouraged through a most popular feature. The ultimate collectors were fake profiles representing iconic fictional characters: celebrities, concepts, and other such entities. These Fakesters outraged the company, who banished fake profiles and eliminated the most popular feature (boyd, in press-b). While few people actually created Fakesters, many more enjoyed surfing Fakesters for entertainment or using functional Fakesters (e.g., Brown University) to find people they knew. The active deletion of Fakesters (and genuine users who chose non-realistic photos) signaled to some that the company did not share users interests. Many early adopters left because of the combination of technical difficulties, social collisions, and a rupture of trust between users and the site (boyd, 2006b). However, at the same time that it was fading in the U.S., its popularity skyrocketed in the Philippines, Singapore, Malaysia, and Indonesia (Goldberg, 2007). SNSs Hit the Mainstream From 2003 onward, many new SNSs were launched, prompting social software analyst Clay Shirky (2003) to coin the term YASNS: Yet Another Social Networking Service. Most took the form of profile-centric sites, trying to replicate the early success of Friendster or target specific demographics. While socially-organized SNSs solicit broad audiences, professional sites such as LinkedIn, Visible Path, and Xing (formerly openBC) focus on business people. Passion-centric SNSs like Dogster (T. Rheingold, personal communication, August 2, 2007) help strangers connect based on shared interests. Care2 helps activists meet, Couchsurfing connects travelers to people with couches, and MyChurch joins Christian churches and their members. Furthermore, as the social media and user-generated content phenomena grew, websites focused on media sharing began implementing SNS features and becoming SNSs themselves. Examples include Flickr (photo sharing), Last.FM (music listening habits), and YouTube (video sharing). With the plethora of venture-backed startups launching in Silicon Valley, few people paid attention to SNSs that gained popularity elsewhere, even those built by major corporations. For example, Googles Orkut failed to build a sustainable U.S. user base, but a Brazilian invasion (Fragoso, 2006) made Orkut the national SNS of Brazil. Microsofts Windows Live Spaces (a.k.a. MSN Spaces) also launched to lukewarm U.S. reception but became extremely popular elsewhere. Few analysts or journalists noticed when MySpace launched in Santa Monica, California, hundreds of miles from Silicon Valley. MySpace was begun in 2003 to compete with sites like Friendster, Xanga, and AsianAvenue, according to co-founder Tom Anderson (personal communication, August 2, 2007); the founders wanted to attract estranged Friendster users (T. Anderson, personal communication, February 2, 2006). After rumors emerged that Friendster would adopt a fee-based system, users posted Friendster messages encouraging people to join alternate SNSs, including Tribe.net and MySpace (T. Anderson, personal communication, August 2, 2007). Because of this, MySpace was able to grow rapidly by capitalizing on Friendsters alienation of its early adopters. One particularly notable group that encouraged others to switch were indie-rock bands who were expelled from Friendster for failing to comply with profile regulations. While MySpace was not launched with bands in mind, they were welcomed. Indie-rock bands from the Los Angeles region began creating profiles, and local promoters used MySpace to advertise VIP passes for popular clubs. Intrigued, MySpace contacted local musicians to see how they could support them (T. Anderson, personal communication, September 28, 2006). Bands were not the sole source of MySpace growth, but the symbiotic relationship between bands and fans helped MySpace expand beyond former Friendster users. The bands-and-fans dynamic was mutually beneficial: Bands wanted to be able to contact fans, while fans desired attention from their favorite bands and used Friend connections to signal identity and affiliation. Futhermore, MySpace differentiated itself by regularly adding features based on user demand (boyd, 2006b) and by allowing users to personalize their pages. This feature emerged because MySpace did not restrict users from adding HTML into the forms that framed their profiles; a copy/paste code culture emerged on the web to support users in generating unique MySpace backgrounds and layouts (Perkel, in press). Teenagers began joining MySpace en masse in 2004. Unlike older users, most teens were never on Friendster-some joined because they wanted to connect with their favorite bands; others were introduced to the site through older family members. As teens began signing up, they encouraged their friends to join. Rather than rejecting underage users, MySpace changed its user policy to allow minors. As the site grew, three distinct populations began to form: musicians/artists, teenagers, and the post-college urban social crowd. By and large, the latter two groups did not interact with one another except through bands. Because of the lack of mainstream press coverage during 2004, few others noticed the sites growing popularity. Then, in July 2005, News Corporation purchased MySpace for $580 million (BBC, 2005), attracting massive media attention. Afterwards, safety issues plagued MySpace. The site was implicated in a series of sexual interactions between adults and minors, prompting legal action (Consumer Affairs, 2006). A moral panic concerning sexual predators quickly spread (Bahney, 2006), although research suggests that the concerns were exaggerated. A Global Phenomenon While MySpace attracted the majority of media attention in the U.S. and abroad, SNSs were proliferating and growing in popularity worldwide. Friendster gained traction in the Pacific Islands, Orkut became the premier SNS in Brazil before growing rapidly in India (Madhavan, 2007), Mixi attained widespread adoption in Japan, LunarStorm took off in Sweden, Dutch users embraced Hyves, Grono captured Poland, Hi5 was adopted in smaller countries in Latin America, South America, and Europe, and Bebo became very popular in the United Kingdom, New Zealand, and Australia. Additionally, previously popular communication and community services began implementing SNS features. The Chinese QQ instant messaging service instantly became the largest SNS worldwide when it added profiles and made friends visible (McLeod, 2006), while the forum tool Cyworld cornered the Korean market by introducing homepages and buddies (Ewers, 2006). Blogging services with complete SNS features also became popular. In the U.S., blogging tools with SNS features, such as Xanga, LiveJournal, and Vox, attracted broad audiences. Skyrock reigns in France, and Windows Live Spaces dominates numerous markets worldwide, including in Mexico, Italy, and Spain. Although SNSs like QQ, Orkut, and Live Spaces are just as large as, if not larger than, MySpace, they receive little coverage in U.S. and English-speaking media, making it difficult to track their trajectories. Expanding Niche Communities Alongside these open services, other SNSs launched to support niche demographics before expanding to a broader audience. Unlike previous SNSs, Facebook was designed to support distinct college networks only. Facebook began in early 2004 as a Harvard-only SNS (Cassidy, 2006). To join, a user had to have a harvard.edu email address. As Facebook began supporting other schools, those users were also required to have university email addresses associated with those institutions, a requirement that kept the site relatively closed and contributed to users perceptions of the site as an intimate, private community. Beginning in September 2005, Facebook expanded to include high school students, professionals inside corporate networks, and, eventually, everyone. The change to open signup did not mean that new users could easily access users in closed networks-gaining access to corporate networks still required the appropriate .com address, while gaining access to high school networks required administrator approval. (As of this writing, only membership in regional networks requires no permission.) Unlike other SNSs, Facebook users are unable to make their full profiles public to all users. Another feature that differentiates Facebook is the ability for outside developers to build Applications which allow users to personalize their profiles and perform other tasks, such as compare movie preferences and chart travel histories. While most SNSs focus on growing broadly and exponentially, others explicitly seek narrower audiences. Some, like aSmallWorld and BeautifulPeople, intentionally restrict access to appear selective and elite. Others-activity-centered sites like Couchsurfing, identity-driven sites like BlackPlanet, and affiliation-focused sites like MyChurch-are limited by their target demographic and thus tend to be smaller. Finally, anyone who wishes to create a niche social network site can do so on Ning, a platform and hosting service that encourages users to create their own SNSs. Currently, there are no reliable data regarding how many people use SNSs, although marketing research indicates that SNSs are growing in popularity worldwide (comScore, 2007). This growth has prompted many corporations to invest time and money in creating, purchasing, promoting, and advertising SNSs. At the same time, other companies are blocking their employees from accessing the sites. Additionally, the U.S. military banned soldiers from accessing MySpace (Frosch, 2007) and the Canadian government prohibited employees from Facebook (Benzie, 2007), while the U.S. Congress has proposed legislation to ban youth from accessing SNSs in schools and libraries (H.R. 5319, 2006; S. 49, 2007). The rise of SNSs indicates a shift in the organization of online communities. While websites dedicated to communities of interest still exist and prosper, SNSs are primarily organized around people, not interests. Early public online communities such as Usenet and public discussion forums were structured by topics or according to topical hierarchies, but social network sites are structured as personal (or egocentric) networks, with the individual at the center of their own community. This more accurately mirrors unmediated social structures, where the world is composed of networks, not groups (Wellman, 1988, p. 37). The introduction of SNS features has introduced a new organizational framework for online communities, and with it, a vibrant new research context. Previous Scholarship Scholarship concerning SNSs is emerging from diverse disciplinary and methodological traditions, addresses a range of topics, and builds on a large body of CMC research. The goal of this section is to survey research that is directly concerned with social network sites, and in so doing, to set the stage for the articles in this special issue. To date, the bulk of SNS research has focused on impression management and friendship performance, networks and network structure, online/offline connections, and privacy issues. Impression Management and Friendship Performance Like other online contexts in which individuals are consciously able to construct an online representation of self-such as online dating profiles and MUDS-SNSs constitute an important research context for scholars investigating processes of impression management, self-presentation, and friendship performance. In one of the earliest academic articles on SNSs, boyd (2004) examined Friendster as a locus of publicly articulated social networks that allowed users to negotiate presentations of self and connect with others. Donath and boyd (2004) extended this to suggest that public displays of connection serve as important identity signals that help people navigate the networked social world, in that an extended network may serve to validate identity information presented in profiles. While most sites encourage users to construct accurate representations of themselves, participants do this to varying degrees. Marwick (2005) found that users on three different SNSs had complex strategies for negotiating the rigidity of a prescribed authentic profile, while boyd (in press-b) examined the phenomenon of Fakesters and argued that profiles could never be real. The extent to which portraits are authentic or playful varies across sites; both social and technological forces shape user practices. Skog (2005) found that the status feature on LunarStorm strongly influenced how people behaved and what they choose to reveal-profiles there indicate ones status as measured by activity (e.g., sending messages) and indicators of authenticity (e.g., using a real photo instead of a drawing). Another aspect of self-presentation is the articulation of friendship links, which serve as identity markers for the profile owner. Impression management is one of the reasons given by Friendster users for choosing particular friends (Donath boyd, 2004). Recognizing this, Zinman and Donath (2007) noted that MySpace spammers leverage peoples willingness to connect to interesting people to find targets for their spam. In their examination of LiveJournal friendship, Fono and Raynes-Goldie (2006) described users understandings regarding public displays of connections and how the Friending function can operate as a catalyst for social drama. In listing user motivations for Friending, boyd (2006a) points out that Friends on SNSs are not the same as friends in the everyday sense; instead, Friends provide context by offering users an imagined audience to guide behavioral norms. Other work in this area has examined the use of Friendster Testimonials as self-presentational devices (boyd Heer, 2006) and the extent to which the attractiveness of ones Friends (as indicated by Facebooks Wall feature) impacts impression formation (Walther, Van Der Heide, Kim, Westerman, in press). Networks and Network Structure Social network sites also provide rich sources of naturalistic behavioral data. Profile and linkage data from SNSs can be gathered either through the use of automated collection techniques or through datasets provided directly from the company, enabling network analysis researchers to explore large-scale patterns of friending, usage, and other visible indicators (Hogan, in press), and continuing an analysis trend that started with examinations of blogs and other websites. For instance, Golder, Wilkinson, and Huberman (2007) examined an anonymized dataset consisting of 362 million messages exchanged by over four million Facebook users for insight into Friending and messaging activities. Lampe, Ellison, and Steinfield (2007) explored the relationship between profile elements and number of Facebook friends, finding that profile fields that reduce transaction costs and are harder to falsify are most likely to be associated with larger number of friendship links. These kinds of data also lend themselves well to analysis through network visualization (Adamic, Bà ¼yà ¼kkà ¶kten, Adar, 2003; Heer boyd, 2005; Paolillo Wright, 2005). SNS researchers have also studied the network structure of Friendship. Analyzing the roles people played in the growth of Flickr and Yahoo! 360s networks, Kumar, Novak, and Tomkins (2006) argued that there are passive members, inviters, and linkers who fully participate in the social evolution of the network (p. 1). Scholarship concerning LiveJournals network has included a Friendship classification scheme (Hsu, Lancaster, Paradesi, Weniger, 2007), an analysis of the role of language in the topology of Friendship (Herring et al., 2007), research into the importance of geography in Friending (Liben-Nowell, Novak, Kumar, Raghavan, Tomkins, 2005), and studies on what motivates people to join particular communities (Backstrom, Huttenlocher, Kleinberg, Lan, 2006). Based on Orkut data, Spertus, Sahami, and Bà ¼yà ¼kkà ¶kten (2005) identified a topology of users through their membership in certain communities; they suggest that sites can use this to recommend additional communities of interest to users. Finally, Liu, Maes, and Davenport (2006) argued that Friend connections are not the only network structure worth investigating. They examined the ways in which the performance of tastes (favorite music, books, film, etc.) constitutes an alternate network structure, which they call a taste fabric. Bridging Online and Offline Social Networks Although exceptions exist, the available research suggests that most SNSs primarily support pre-existing social relations. Ellison, Steinfield, and Lampe (2007) suggest that Facebook is used to maintain existing offline relationships or solidify offline connections, as opposed to meeting new people. These relationships may be weak ties, but typically there is some common offline element among individuals who friend one another, such as a shared class at school. This is one of the chief dimensions that differentiate SNSs from earlier forms of public CMC such as newsgroups (Ellison et al., 2007). Research in this vein has investigated how online interactions interface with offline ones. For instance, Lampe, Ellison, and Steinfield (2006) found that Facebook users engage in searching for people with whom they have an offline connection more than they browse for complete strangers to meet. Likewise, Pew research found that 91% of U.S. teens who use SNSs do so to connect with friends (Len hart Madden, 2007). Given that SNSs enable individuals to connect with one another, it is not surprising that they have become deeply embedded in users lives. In Korea, Cyworld has become an integral part of everyday life-Choi (2006) found that 85% of that studys respondents listed the maintenance and reinforcement of pre-existing social networks as their main motive for Cyworld use (p. 181). Likewise, boyd (2008) argues that MySpace and Facebook enable U.S. youth to socialize with their friends even when they are unable to gather in unmediated situations; she argues that SNSs are networked publics that support sociability, just as unmediated public spaces do. Privacy Popular press coverage of SNSs has emphasized potential privacy concerns, primarily concerning the safety of younger users (George, 2006; Kornblum Marklein, 2006). Researchers have investigated th

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